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Russia attempts to resolve disputes with its neighbours over Soviet-era crimes
俄罗斯试图解决苏联时代与邻国争端的罪行
Apr 8th 2010 | From The Economist online
AS THIS column noted recently, the era of “therapeutic historiography” is drawing to a close in central and eastern Europe (with the odd exception). The Russian authorities are also trying to clean up, at least in part, their country’s most toxic historical debris.
正如此专栏近日所关注,“治疗史学”时代在中欧与东欧已临近尾声(始料未及)。至少在某种程度上,俄罗斯当局正设法清理他们国家大部历史遗留毒性残骸。
One remarkable sign is that state-run Russian television has just screened Andrzej Wajda’s extraordinary film “Katyn”, which epitomises both Soviet atrocity and the lies that followed. Accompanying Donald Tusk, the Polish prime minister, at a commemoration ceremony to mark the 1940 killings (see below), Vladimir Putin even publicly expressed qualified regret, if not quite an apology, for the massacre?a huge shift given the disgusting falsehoods pushed in official and semi-official media in recent years.
一个显著的标志,就是俄罗斯的国营电视台刚刚屏蔽了安杰依瓦依达(Andrzej Wajda)的非凡电影《卡廷惨案》,它集中体现了苏联的暴行及其随后的谎言。在纪念1940年卡廷大屠杀(如下图)的典礼上,陪伴波兰总理多纳尔德?图斯克(Donald Tusk)的弗拉基米尔?普京(Vladimir Putin),甚至对此次大屠杀公开表示哀悼,而不是深深的歉意这是近年来被官方和半官方媒体推行的一场巨大的、令人作呕的骗局。
Sorry is the hardest word(说声抱歉,真难)
That is part of a pattern. In Budapest in 2006, at the 50th anniversary of the Hungarian uprising, Mr Putin said: “Certainly modern Russia is not the Soviet Union, but I must tell you frankly that in our hearts we feel a certain moral responsibility for these events.” On the same trip he went to the Czech Republic and said, of the 1968 Soviet invasion, “While of course there is no legal responsibility here…a moral responsibility exists. It could not be any other way.” In 2009 he told Poles that the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact was “inadmissible from the moral point of view and from the practical, political point of view…senseless, detrimental and dangerous.”
那只是形式的一部分。2006年,在布达佩斯举行的纪念匈牙利起义50周年纪念日上,普京说:“当然,现代的俄罗斯不是苏联,但我必须坦率地告诉你,在我们的心中,我们感到对此事件负有一定的道德责任。”同样在此行期间,他到捷克共和国,针对1968年苏联入侵说:“当然,虽然没有法律责任,在这里...一个道义上的责任是存在的。它不可能是任何其他方式”。2009年,他告诉波兰人,里宾特洛甫条约“若从道德的角度和实用政治的角度来看待是不可接受的...无知的,有害的和危险的。”
This is still a long way short of German-style Vergangenheitsbew?ltigung (coming to terms with the past). Russia has paid no compensation to the foreign victims of Stalinism (and little to its own citizens). Rows over looted property remain unresolved. (Estonia’s presidential seal is one of many such “souvenirs” illegally in Russian hands). Shamefully, many historical archives remain sealed.
除德国式的Vergangenheitsbew?ltigung(正视过去)外,仍然还有一段很长的路。俄罗斯并没有对外国的斯大林主义受害者支付任何补偿(对它自己国民的补偿也很少)。备受争议的掠夺财产问题仍未解决。(爱沙尼亚总统印章就是许多这样在俄罗斯手中非法的“纪念品”之一)。可耻的是,许多历史档案仍然被密封着。
But mild regret and an appeal to pragmatism are a step forward. Czechs, Hungarians and Poles have accepted compromises over history in order to have normal relations with Russia. Ukraine, under its new president, Viktor Yanukovich, may strike a similar deal; Mr Yanukovich will find it much easier to find a common language with Mr Putin than did his predecessor, the divisive and discredited Viktor Yushchenko. On the other hand, Mr Yanukovych, often seen as “pro-Russian”, needs to be careful not to appear a soft touch.
然而,温文尔雅的遗憾和呼吁实用主义是向前迈出的一步。捷克人,匈牙利人和波兰人已经接受了历史的妥协,以便与俄罗斯建立正常关系。乌克兰,在其新总统亚努科维奇的领导下,可能取得一份类似的协议;亚努科维奇要比他的前任更容易找到与普京的共同语言,那就是分裂和诽谤尤先科。另一方面,亚努科维奇常常被视为“亲俄”派,谨小慎微,似乎不容易被击败。
That leaves the Baltic states, where the demand for justice about the past is still burning. Their forcible annexation into the Soviet Union in 1940 was one of the clearest and most outrageous consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact.
剩下的波罗的海国家,那里的人们对正视历史的呼声日益高涨。在1940年,他们被苏联强行吞并,这是促成里宾特洛甫条约最清晰和最令人发指的证明之一。
But the ground is shifting. Russia is flirting with Lithuania, where President Dalia Grybauskait? is convinced that her personal touch can bring a breakthrough in relations. A deal looks possible: Russia could express “regret” (not “apology”) for the “incorporation” (not “occupation”) in 1940, and offer a favourable trade deal. In return Lithuania could drop demands for compensation. If Latvia followed suit, Estonia would be impossibly isolated. If Ukraine goes for “normalisation” too, that would be game, set and match to the Kremlin.
但是形势总在改变。俄罗斯与立陶宛关系暧昧,其总统达利娅?格里包斯凯特确信,她的个人风格可以带来双边关系的突破。一笔交易貌似已达成:俄罗斯可以对1940年的吞并(不是“占领”)表示“遗憾”(不是“道歉”),并提供一个有利的贸易协议,而立陶宛可能以放弃赔偿要求作为报答。如果拉脱维亚紧随其后,爱沙尼亚将不可能脱离俄罗斯。如果乌克兰也“正常化邦交”,那将只是与克里姆林宫设置比赛的一场游戏。
Smugness and evasion over history are widespread in Europe. Britain, to take one example, habitually wallows in a nostalgic and misleading version of its own past. But it is hard not to feel that an opportunity is being missed. The horrors of Soviet rule, and the memory of its victims, deserve more than a convenient political fix. The greatest victims of Stalinism were arguably Russians?in more ways than one. Brave Russians who still demand that their rulers face up to the awful past may feel let down if others settle for half-truths.
沾沾自喜和对历史逃避在欧洲国家广泛存在。以英国例,它习惯地沉湎于怀旧与起误导性的过去当中。但是,又很容易地感觉到机会正在被错过。苏联统治的恐怖,以及受害者的记忆,应该得到多方面的政治修缮。从更多方面来说,斯大林主义的最大受害者,可以说是俄罗斯人民。勇敢的俄罗斯人,仍然在要求他们的统治者直视糟糕的过去,而其他人却满足于半真半假的事实,这可能会让他们觉得失望。
 

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